Schlagwort: antipolitik

[Kolumne Immaterial World in der Wiener Zeitschrift Streifzüge]

Die Frage, ob Politik oder Antipolitik der richtige Ansatz ist, scheint mir müßig zu sein. Beide bewegen sich im Rahmen von Macht und Herrschaft. Während sich Politik positiv auf die Erringung von Macht oder wenigstens Einfluss bezieht, die sie für Veränderungen nutzen will, lehnt Antipolitik genau dies ab. Politik ist für den antipolitischen Ansatz eine bürgerliche Form, die sie nicht bedienen und damit reproduzieren will. Antipolitik setzt eher auf die Schaffung autonomer Handlungsformen, um eigene Ziele durchzusetzen. Doch so ansprechend das auf den ersten Blick klingt, gelang bisher nicht, antipolitische Handlungsformen genauer zu bestimmen, geschweige denn sie zu verbreiten. Am Ende kommt Antipolitik nicht über die abstrakte Negation von Politik hinaus.

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[Alle »Keimformen«-Artikel in Streifzüge 60/2014]

Wir haben nichts zu erfüllen, außer uns selbst

Von Franz Schandl

Form? Was ist das? Und muss alles, was sich gestaltet, einer Form und, mit ihr eng verbunden, einer Norm entsprechen? Wenn auch einer gänzlich anderen? So hege ich Skepsis gegenüber der Darstellung der freien Assoziation als Form oder Logik, Ordnung oder Produktionsweise. Umwälzung meint Entstrukturierung, nicht die Installation neuer Formgesetze. Transformation ist kein Formierungskonzept, sondern eine Entformierung. Auch der Begriff Normalität verweist doch nur darauf, dass Lebensäußerungen sich innerhalb bestimmter Normen zu vollziehen haben. Selbst wenn es weiterhin Gewöhnliches, Ungewöhnliches und Außergewöhnliches geben wird, heißt das doch nicht, dass Norm und Form konstituierend sind, dass gar ein neues Gesellschaftssystem vorliegt.

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[Alle »Keimformen«-Artikel in Streifzüge 60/2014]

Kann der Bruch zwischen der kapitalistischen Gesellschaftsformation und der Gesellschaft der allgemeinmenschlichen Emanzipation zugleich als Übergang gedacht werden? Seinen weitestgehenden Versuch in diese Richtung unternahm Robert Kurz in Antiökonomie und Antipolitik (1997). Er spricht von Keimformen einer neuen Vergesellschaftung – innerhalb der heutigen kapitalistischen Gesellschaft noch marginalen, aber prinzipiell verallgemeinerbaren Entkopplungen von der herrschenden Warenproduktion. Kurz gab diesen Versuch wieder auf, ohne die eigenen Vorstellungen und die angewandte Methode ausdrücklich zu kritisieren. Für die heutige Suche nach Wegen aus dem Kapitalismus ist es sinnvoll, das nachzuholen.
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Die Wiener Streifzüge haben ein beachtenswertes Manifest veröffentlich: kurz, lesbar und radikal. Wir reposten es hier (als Copyleft):

Repariert nicht, was euch kaputt macht!

Gegen das bürgerliche Dasein – für das gute Leben!

Streifzüge-Redaktion

1.

Durch die Politik können keine Alternativen geschaffen werden. Sie dient nicht der Entfaltung unserer Möglichkeiten und Fähigkeiten, sondern in ihr nehmen wir bloß die Interessen unserer Rollen in der bestehenden Ordnung wahr. Politik ist ein bürgerliches Programm. Sie ist stets eine auf Staat und Markt bezogene Haltung und Handlung. Sie moderiert die Gesellschaft, ihr Medium ist das Geld. Sie folgt ähnlichen Regeln wie der Markt. Hier wie dort steht Werbung im Mittelpunkt, hier wie dort geht es um Verwertung und ihre Bedingungen.

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[Part 5 of 5 of the essay »Anti-economics and Anti-politics« by Robert Kurz, published under CC by-nc-sa]

One would have to be pretty naïve to assume that a new social movement, under the impact of the crisis, would immediately commence with a radical critique of the commodity production system. It is, rather, more likely that such a perspective can only be mediated by a public debate and by conceptual discussions in the midst of the social struggles and conflicts themselves. One does not start from zero, however. In societies in crisis, there are diverse initiatives for a “cheap economy” which, however, are still in the infant stage. These hardly do justice to a kind of reproduction “that transcends the market and the State”, since in most cases they rely on State (municipal) subsidies or else are restricted to creating enterprises based on the most basic developmental forms of the market and the State.

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[Part 4 of 5 of the essay »Anti-economics and Anti-politics« by Robert Kurz, published under CC by-nc-sa]

So how is a “natural microelectronic economy” possible as an embryonic form? The difficulty consists in the fact that the capitalist form of the functional division of society, as in the case of the capitalist structure of use value, cannot be assimilated, without alterations, into an emancipatory reproduction. The personnel of an enterprise which, for example, produces ships, cannot emancipate themselves, such as they are, from the social form of value. Since they do not consume the ships and cannot satisfy their own needs with the means of production of their enterprise, and since, at the same time, the specific production of their enterprise is incorporated into a capitalist system of division of labor, they remain dependent on the production of commodities, with all the familiar social consequences.

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[Part 3 of 5 of the essay »Anti-economics and Anti-politics« by Robert Kurz, published under CC by-nc-sa]

The modified or “superseded” notion of the productive forces and its connection to the relations of production is obviously the precondition for solving the real problem: the supersession of the form of fetishistic value in social relations. On this point it is also necessary, first of all, to bridge the gap between the reductive conceptions, immanent to the system, of the Marxism of the workers movement and that of the alternative movement or the cooperatives. As in the question of the productive forces, we see these movements evincing a speculative and complementary attachment to fetishistic structures. Both political Marxism and the alternative movement reduce their goal to a critique and a supersession of private property in the means of production, although in different ways. When, however, one speaks of the institution, “private property”, it is clear that one is dealing with a moment of the commodity production system, i.e., of its juridical form. It is thus clear that this moment cannot be overcome alone, without overcoming the other moments of the value form and even the latter itself as such. The attempt to eliminate private property in the means of production and at the same time to maintain the forms of mediation of the commodity and money, can only lead to social paradoxes.

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[Part 2 of 5 of the essay »Anti-economics and Anti-politics« by Robert Kurz, published under CC by-nc-sa]

If we are not to allow ourselves to be confused by the past, we have to attempt to elaborate socioeconomic definitions of an embryonic form, beyond commodity production, at the current level of socialization, without falling into a vulgar practicality. It is thus not by any means a matter of direct plans of action (which can only be developed, furthermore, within the context of a social movement), but of theoretical and practical reflections to concretize the critique of value. The question of the embryonic form of a reproduction no longer mediated by monetary and commercial relations has to be approached historically, analytically and theoretically.

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[Part 1 of 5 of the essay »Anti-economics and Anti-politics« by Robert Kurz, published under CC by-nc-sa]

The misery of the radical critique of the commodity production system, that is, of a “mode of production based on value” (Marx), appears to reside in the fact that it is incapable of representing a historical praxis (not to be confused with just any little practical activity), of taking the initiative, of finding a way out and heralding a common mass consciousness, and is thus condemned to an esoteric existence, confined to socially remote domains of purely theoretical reflection or even philosophical speculation, and ultimately to a gradual descent into an eccentric sectarian existence. Even if an emancipatory socialization eliminating fetishistic forms of the commodity and money were possible—it would still be a book sealed with seven seals for this form of critique.

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[Repost from libcom.org under CC by-nc-sa]

The following translation of the German »Antiökonomie und Antipolitik« by Robert Kurz (1997) base on a Spanish translation which is no longer available on the web (the same or another Spanish version can be found here). The essay had an enormous influence on the discussion about an alternative to capitalism — not only keimform.de was one outcome of the debates initiated by this text. Kurz himself was very sceptical about the references to his text, and he often polemically dissociates himself from these references. On keimform.de we repost the text in five parts (the chapters of the text). The links below will function in the future. The following preface is from the translation at libcom.org. Here we go:

In this 1997 essay, Robert Kurz discusses the question of the “embryonic form” of “the productive forces developing in the womb of bourgeois society” (Marx); rejecting both the “all-or-nothing” view of the extreme left that sees such a project as doomed to integration into capitalism, and the reformist concept of “dual economy” where cooperative businesses produce for the capitalist market, he advocates a process of “disconnection” from the value matrix that incorporates aspects of both the old cooperative movement and modern “microelectronic” technology while preserving a commitment to overcoming the system of commodity production and a refusal to produce for the market.

Contents

1. Politics and the Question of the Embryonic Emancipatory Form

2. The Concept of the Productive Forces and the Microelectronic Revolution

3. The Supersession of Private Property in the Means of Production

4. Disconnection from Commodity Production

5. Internet Movement and Cybernetic Subversion